[Think] FWD: Humans V Corporations--now is the time to act
Fen Labalme
fen at comedia.com
Thu Jan 9 20:01:04 PST 2003
Dave is a long-time activist/friend. The first act, of course, is education.
Read on...
From: "dave ''who can do? ratmandu!'' ratcliffe" <dave at ratical.org>
Subject: Humans V Corporations--now is the time to act
Greetings on the year's turn,
I've been cooking up new materials on ratical and have found
2 very exciting developments that I want to share with all of
you. (I'll send the second one in the coming days.) Please
read the following article. It describes an extraordinarily
auspicious opportunity to directly further the work of
reclaiming our democracy and to begin the process of
dismantling the flawed and unconstitutional doctrine of
corporate personhood.
The war party's fixation on leveling Iraq--and the mainstream
media's willingness to repeat virtually whatever the corporate
US regime claims are facts--casts its hypnotic spell to the
detriment of our species' further development. Addressing
the lethality of corporate governance is at the heart of
challenging the murderous amorality that claims legitmate
authority to act in our name.
The following offers a number of sources and means to proceed
with what David Korten urged, speaking to a group of us in the
Gethsemane Lutheran Churchon on 3 December 1999 at the end of
the WTO meeting in Seattle:
I suggest we be clear that our goal is not to reform global corporate
and financial rule--it is to end it. The publicly traded, limited
liability corporation is a pathological institutional form and
financial speculation is inherently predatory. As a first step both
must be regulated. The appropriate longer term goal is to rid our
economic affairs of these institutional pathologies--much as our
ancestors eliminated the institution of monarchy.
--David Korten, Corporate Accountability: Who Rules?, 12/3/99
http://www.ratical.org/ratitorsCorner/12.21.99.html#120399
Best warmest wishes to all of you,
Dave
http://www.ratical.org/corporations/humanVcorp.html
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Now Corporations Claim The "Right To Lie"
by Thom Hartmann
1 January 2003
CommonDreams.org
While Nike was conducting a huge and expensive PR blitz to tell
people that it had cleaned up its subcontractors' sweatshop labor
practices, an alert consumer advocate and activist in California
named Marc Kasky caught them in what he alleges are a number of
specific deceptions. Citing a California law that forbids
corporations from intentionally deceiving people in their
commercial statements, Kasky sued the multi-billion-dollar
corporation.
Instead of refuting Kasky's charge by proving in court that they
didn't lie, however, Nike instead chose to argue that corporations
should enjoy the same "free speech" right to deceive that
individual human citizens have in their personal lives. If people
have the constitutionally protected right to say, "The check is in
the mail," or, "That looks great on you," then, Nike's reasoning
goes, a corporation should have the same right to say whatever
they want in their corporate PR campaigns.
They took this argument all the way to the California Supreme
Court, where they lost. The next stop may be the U.S. Supreme
Court in early January, and the battle lines are already forming.
For example, in a column in the New York Times supporting Nike's
position, Bob Herbert wrote, "In a real democracy, even the people
you disagree with get to have their say."
True enough.
But Nike isn't a person -- it's a corporation. And it's not their
"say" they're asking for: it's the right to deceive people.
Corporations are created by humans to further the goal of making
money. As Buckminster Fuller said in his brilliant essay The
Grunch of Giants, "Corporations are neither physical nor
metaphysical phenomena. They are socioeconomic ploys -- legally
enacted game-playing . . ."
Corporations are non-living, non-breathing, legal fictions. They
feel no pain. They don't need clean water to drink, fresh air to
breathe, or healthy food to consume. They can live forever. They
can't be put in prison. They can change their identity or
appearance in a day, change their citizenship in an hour, rip off
parts of themselves and create entirely new entities. Some have
compared corporations with robots, in that they are human
creations that can outlive individual humans, performing their
assigned tasks forever.
Isaac Asimov, when considering a world where robots had become as
functional, intelligent, and more powerful than their human
creators, posited three fundamental laws that would determine the
behavior of such potentially dangerous human-made creations. His
Three Laws of Robotics stipulated that non-living human creations
must obey humans yet never behave in a way that would harm humans.
Asimov's thinking wasn't altogether original: Thomas Jefferson and
James Madison beat him to it by about 200 years.
Jefferson and Madison proposed an 11th Amendment to the
Constitution that would "ban monopolies in commerce," making it
illegal for corporations to own other corporations, banning them
from giving money to politicians or trying to influence elections
in any way, restricting corporations to a single business purpose,
limiting the lifetime of a corporation to something roughly
similar to that of productive humans (20 to 40 years back then),
and requiring that the first purpose for which all corporations
were created be "to serve the public good."
The amendment didn't pass because many argued it was unnecessary:
Virtually all states already had such laws on the books from the
founding of this nation until the Age of the Robber Barons.
Wisconsin, for example, had a law that stated: "No corporation
doing business in this state shall pay or contribute, or offer
consent or agree to pay or contribute, directly or indirectly, any
money, property, free service of its officers or employees or
thing of value to any political party, organization, committee or
individual for any political purpose whatsoever, or for the
purpose of influencing legislation of any kind, or to promote or
defeat the candidacy of any person for nomination, appointment or
election to any political office." The penalty for any corporate
official violating that law and getting cozy with politicians on
behalf of a corporation was five years in prison and a substantial
fine.
Like Asimov's Three Laws of Robotics, these laws prevented
corporations from harming humans, while still allowing people to
create their robots (corporations) and use them to make money.
Everybody won. Prior to 1886, corporations were referred to in US
law as "artificial persons," similar to the way Star Trek portrays
the human-looking robot named Data.
But after the Civil War, things began to change. In the last year
of the war, on November 21, 1864, President Abraham Lincoln looked
back on the growing power of the war-enriched corporations, and
wrote the following thoughtful letter to his friend Colonel
William F. Elkins:
"We may congratulate ourselves that this cruel war is
nearing its end. It has cost a vast amount of treasure
and blood. The best blood of the flower of American
youth has been freely offered upon our country's altar
that the nation might live. It has indeed been a trying
hour for the Republic; but I see in the near future a
crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to
tremble for the safety of my country.
"As a result of the war, corporations have been
enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will
follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor
to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of
the people until all wealth is aggregated in a few hands
and the Republic is destroyed. I feel at this moment
more anxiety than ever before, even in the midst of war.
God grant that my suspicions may prove groundless."
Lincoln's suspicions were prescient. In the 1886 Santa Clara
County vs. Southern Pacific Railroad case, the U.S. Supreme Court
ruled that the state tax assessor, not the county assessor, had
the right to determine the taxable value of fenceposts along the
railroad's right-of-way.
However, in writing up the case's headnote -- a commentary that
has no precedential status -- the Court's reporter, a former
railroad president named J.C. Bancroft Davis, opened the headnote
with the sentence: "The defendant Corporations are persons within
the intent of the clause in section 1 of the Fourteen Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States, which forbids a State to
deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of
the laws."
Oddly, the court had ruled no such thing. As a handwritten note
from Chief Justice Waite to reporter Davis that now is held in the
National Archives said: "we avoided meeting the Constitutional
question in the decision." And nowhere in the decision itself does
the Court say corporations are persons.
Nonetheless, corporate attorneys picked up the language of Davis's
headnote and began to quote it like a mantra. Soon the Supreme
Court itself, in a stunning display of either laziness (not
reading the actual case) or deception (rewriting the Constitution
without issuing an opinion or having open debate on the issue),
was quoting Davis's headnote in subsequent cases. While Davis's
Santa Clara headnote didn't have the force of law, once the Court
quoted it as the basis for later decisions its new doctrine of
corporate personhood became the law.
Prior to 1886, the Bill of Rights and the 14th Amendment defined
human rights, and individuals -- representing themselves and their
own opinions -- were free to say and do what they wanted.
Corporations, being artificial creations of the states, didn't
have rights, but instead had privileges. The state in which a
corporation was incorporated determined those privileges and how
they could be used. And the same, of course, was true for other
forms of "legally enacted game playing" such as unions, churches,
unincorporated businesses, partnerships, and even governments, all
of which have only privileges.
But with the stroke of his pen, Court Reporter Davis moved
corporations out of that "privileges" category -- leaving behind
all the others (unions, governments, and small unincorporated
businesses still don't have "rights") -- and moved them into the
"rights" category with humans, citing the 14th Amendment which was
passed at the end of the Civil War to grant the human right of
equal protection under the law to newly-freed slaves.
On December 3, 1888, President Grover Cleveland delivered his
annual address to Congress. Apparently the President had taken
notice of the Santa Clara County Supreme Court headnote, its
politics, and its consequences, for he said in his speech to the
nation, delivered before a joint session of Congress:
"As we view the achievements of aggregated capital, we
discover the existence of trusts, combinations, and
monopolies, while the citizen is struggling far in the
rear or is trampled to death beneath an iron heel.
Corporations, which should be the carefully restrained
creatures of the law and the servants of the people, are
fast becoming the people's masters."
Which brings us to today.
In the next few weeks the U.S. Supreme Court will decide whether
or not to hear Nike's appeal of the California Supreme Court's
decision that Nike was engaging in commercial speech which the
state can regulate under truth in advertising and other laws. And
lawyers for Nike are preparing to claim before the Supreme Court
that, as a "person," this multinational corporation has a
constitutional free-speech right to deceive.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Exxon/Mobil, Monsanto, Microsoft,
Pfizer, and Bank of America have already filed amicus briefs
supporting Nike. Additionally, virtually all of the nation's
largest corporate-owned newspapers have recently editorialized in
favor of Nike and given virtually no coverage or even printed
letters to the editor asserting the humans' side of the case.
On the side of "only humans have human rights" is the lone human
activist in California -- Marc Kasky -- who brought the original
complaint against Nike.
People of all political persuasions who are concerned about
democracy and human rights are encouraging other humans to contact
the ACLU (125 Broad Street, 18th Floor, New York, NY 10004) and
ask them to join Kasky in asserting that only living, breathing
humans have human rights. Organizations like ReclaimDemocracy.org
are documenting the case in detail on the web with a sign-on
letter, in an effort to bring the ACLU and other groups in on
behalf of Kasky.
Corporate America is rising up, and, unlike you and me, when large
corporations "speak" they can use a billion-dollar bullhorn. At
this moment, the only thing standing between their complete
takeover of public opinion or their being brought back under the
rule of law is the U.S. Supreme Court.
And, interestingly, the Chief Justice of the current Court may
side with humans, proving this is an issue that is neither
conservative or progressive, but rather one that has to do with
democracy versus corporate plutocracy.
In the 1978 Boston v. Bellotti decision, the Court agreed, by a
one vote majority, that corporations were "persons" and thus
entitled to the free speech right to give huge quantities of money
to political causes. Chief Justice Rehnquist, believing this to be
an error, argued that corporations should be restrained from
political activity and wrote the dissent.
He started out his dissent by pointing to the 1886 Santa Clara
headnote and implicitly criticizing its interpretation over the
years, saying,
"This Court decided at an early date, with neither
argument nor discussion, that a business corporation is
a 'person' entitled to the protection of the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Santa
Clara County v. Southern Pacific R. Co., 118 U.S. 394,
396 (1886). . . ."
Then he went all the way back to the time of James Monroe's
presidency to re-describe how the Founders and the Supreme Court's
then-Chief Justice John Marshall, a strong Federalist appointed by
outgoing President John Adams in 1800, viewed corporations.
Rehnquist wrote:
"Early in our history, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall
described the status of a corporation in the eyes of
federal law:
"`A corporation is an artificial being, invisible,
intangible, and existing only in contemplation of law.
Being the mere creature of law, it possesses only those
properties which the charter of creation confers upon
it, either expressly, or as incidental to its very
existence. These are such as are supposed best
calculated to effect the object for which it was
created.' . . ."
Rehnquist concluded his dissent by asserting that it was entirely
correct that states have the power to limit a corporation's
ability to spend money to influence elections (after all, they
can't vote -- what are they doing in politics?), saying:
"The free flow of information is in no way diminished by
the [Massachusetts] Commonwealth's decision to permit
the operation of business corporations with limited
rights of political expression. All natural persons, who
owe their existence to a higher sovereign than the
Commonwealth, remain as free as before to engage in
political activity."
Justices true to the Constitution and the Founders' intent may
wake up to the havoc wrought on the American political landscape
by the Bellotti case and its reliance on the flawed Santa Clara
headnote. If the Court chooses in the next few weeks to hear the
Kasky v. Nike case, it will open an opportunity for them to rule
that corporations don't have the free speech right to knowingly
deceive the public. It's even possible that this case could cause
the Court to revisit the error of Davis's 1886 headnote, and begin
the process of dismantling the flawed and unconstitutional
doctrine of corporate personhood.
As humans concerned with the future of human rights in a
democratic republic, it's vital that we now speak up, spread the
word, and encourage the ACLU and other pro-democracy groups to
help Marc Kasky in his battle on our species' collective behalf.
Thom Hartmann is the author of Unequal Protection: The Rise of
Corporate Dominance and the Theft of Human Rights.
(www.unequalprotection.com) This article is copyright by Thom
Hartmann, but permission is granted for reprint in print, email,
or web media so long as this credit is attached.
See Also:
* Unequal Protection: The Rise of Corporate Dominance and the
Theft of Human Rights, 12/4/02
* First Local Government in the United States Refuses to
Recognize Corporate Claims to Civil Rights: Bans Corporate
Involvement in Governing, 12/02
* The Railroad Barons Are Back - And This Time They'll Finish
the Job, 12/11/02
* Americans Revolt in Pennsylvania - New Battle Lines Are
Drawn, 12/19/02
http://www.ratical.org/corporations/humanVcorp.html (hypertext)
http://www.ratical.org/corporations/humanVcorp.txt (text only)
http://www.ratical.org/corporations/humanVcorp.pdf (print-ready)
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